Juni bei der CSU auf Kritik. Die SPD nennt die CSU “Alpen-Ayatollahs”. Die CSU plant, den Koalitionsausschuss anzurufen. Die Partei hat . Bayernplan Welche Versprechen die CSU gehalten hat – und welche nicht. Sept. Die CSU hat zusätzlich einen eigenen ‘”Bayernplan'” verabschiedet. Hier können Sie sich über das Wahlprogramm informieren. A “Bayernplan” banner by the CSU is seen during the start of a CSU election campaign rally in Munich – Buy this stock photo and explore similar images at.

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How are political movements positioned? How do they react to changes in the society and with which topics do they position themselves where in the political debate? In this overview of political strategy debates of political parties in selected European and non-European countries, the authors strive to present political analyses not in text form, but graphically and pointedly.

We hope this product contributes to a constructive discussion. The German political system, internationally revered for its stability, was disrupted by the Bundestag election outcome. The FDP re-entered the Bundestag after failing to obtain sufficient votes in bayerjplan the first time in the post-war era.

This increases the number of parliamentary represented factions from four to six. Here, the AfD holds a clear issue ownership and is attacking the governing parties with increased intensity. This has led to a severe internal struggle between CDU and CSU with regard to the implementation of a limit for the number of asylum seekers.

After a month of negotiations, the FDP walked away from the talks as they perceived that their policy proposals were poorly reflected in the proposed government programme. However, opposition to the Grand Coalition within the SPD is now much stronger compared tosince most party members prefer a time of reflection and renewal in opposition. If no government can be formed, the option of last resort would be new elections.

Although the SPD was part of four of the last five German governments, the party is currently undergoing one of its most difficult and disruptive periods after World War II. On the other hand, this process is undermined by the difficult and increasingly fragmented German political landscape as the party is pressured to step in if other government formations fail. As the party lost a high proportion of voters to such ideologically diverse parties as Die Linke, Greens, FDP and AfD, it will be almost impossible to win back all these voters for the next election.

Although the SPD implemented some of their key policies such as introducing a minimum wage, the party is unable to take the credit for it, partially because party has been a junior partner in the last two Grand Coalitions.

Voters did not reward them, although a huge majority of the population was in favour of this policy. Polls suggest that the party and its personnel enjoy positive public evaluations, but it seems that many SPD sympathisers did not vote for the party to prevent another Grand Coalition.

SPD candidate Martin Schulz managed a solid campaign and is reasonably popular among the electorate, but did not stand a chance against Chancellor Angela Merkel. This situation could change in the near future, since it is expected that Merkel will resign in the following years and her succession is currently completely open. The Greens seem like the most natural partner for the Social Democrats, but under the impression of growing fragmentation in the German party system, it seems unlikely that two-party-coalitions besides a Grand Coalition will become a feasible option for the time being.

However, the negotiations for such a coalition were cancelled by the Liberals.

The Greens are probably facing the biggest strategic dilemma of all parties. Although the party was not too upset about the result, since it polled worse weeks before the election, such a result does not get them anywhere. Although most members of the Greens would probably support this course, cau SPD is simply too weak for such an endeavour.


However, that would include a rather drastic ideological shift that could provoke new internal struggles between the two wings. Finally, it is interesting to note that the Greens, in contrast to almost every other party, did not lose voters to the AfD. Not only does the party have the clearest leftist profile, it is also the most libertarian one in the German political landscape.

Die Linke is strongly opposed to any military commitments and spending, focuses on the fight against climate change and puts an emphasis on multiculturalism. However, as clear as these positions appear, the party is internally split.

On the one hand, the party is still divided between a more pragmatic wing and a more radical leftist wing. This can be traced back to the foundation of the party in The pragmatics mostly East-German branches are pushing the party towards more centrist positions to make a coalition with SPD and Greens possible. Such a coalition is already in place in Berlin and Thuringia at the state level.

While looking at the political landscape it may seem odd that left-libertarian voters are switching to a clearly right-wing conservative party. However, those voters fear that the intake of refugees will lead to cuts in social benefits for the natives.

Chairman Sahra Wagenknecht is part of the internal faction that wants to address those voter groups, which has already provoked heavy internal fights with the left-libertarian part of the party. Since the positions of both wings are almost incompatible and bayrrnplan are hard to imagine, it is possible that this internal struggle will result in the departure or even separation of the defeated wing. For example, for issues such as unemployment benefits, pensions and minimum wages, the party prefers to rely on independent commissions.

The last year has seen an intense fight over the conservative profile of the Union, where the CSU heavily emphasised on the limitation of asylum seekers as means of stopping voters switching to AfD. This debate has even intensified after the elections. Right now, it is unclear how this struggle will develop, since the parties seem to have agreed on a trace before a new government is in place. They are facing the same dilemma as the SPD. Both parties have a clear preference for a coalition bayernplwn, but two-party-coalitions have become increasingly unlikely in a polarised six-party-system.

For the Liberals, the election was cssu special one.

The FDP was voted out of the parliament in — an odd situation for the party with the most governmental participations in Germany. Inthe party ran a very personalised campaign, putting a focus on its chairman, Christian Lindner, and re-entered the German Bundestag.

Euro-Haushalt: CSU will Koalitionsausschuss anrufen

FDP supports the most business-friendly economic policies with a focus on digitalisation and tax cuts. In fact, it was the Liberals that ended those talks, which was a bold and risky move.

As a result, vayernplan of their core-voters may evaluate that decision critically. Nevertheless, it is also possible that other parts of the electorate will reward this move. Although the party is partly still bayenplan by strong business-friendly positions such as tax cuts, the party has not yet reached a consensus among key issue like pensions or health care systems.

Wahlprogramm: CDU und CSU wollen das Kindergeld erhöhen – WELT

The next party congresses will show whether AfD will make a move to the left, thus following the path of other European populist parties such as UKIP and Front National. However, the AfD vote is clearly driven by cultural rather than economic or social issues. The party has strong issue ownership in the policy area of immigration and integration. In fact, the rise of the AfD ran parallel to the increased saliency of those issues in the public discourse since the intake of a bayern;lan number of refugees in The AfD was very successful in pressuring the other parties to adopt stricter anti-immigration stances by instrumentalising public fear.


Although the moderate wing around party founder Lucke left the party bayernpanthe internal debates are not czu. The biggest differences are between a moderate wing that aims for governmental participation and a strictly anti-establishment wing that seeks fundamental opposition to all other parties.

During the election campaign, AfD representatives broke several taboos by making drastic comments. As a consequence, chairman Frauke Petry left the party one day after election day, although commentators think that this was mainly a revenge driven move since the party did not make her the top candidate. The graphs show the positions of German parties in a two-dimensional political space, based on stances on 30 salient policy issues in the contemporary public debate.

Bwyernplan most salient issues were selected by a team of academics and experts, based on a close examination of the parties’ platforms and media discourse.

Each issue statement is framed in such a manner that it relates to the economic left-right dimension or the cultural libertarian versus authoritarian dichotomy.

The horizontal axis represents the economic dimension, differentiating political parties on policy issues related to state intervention in the economy, redistribution, taxation policy bayernpan the welfare state. Bayernplqn, typical issues are multiculturalism, immigration, bayernplab identity, gender equality and environmentalism. They were positioned in accordance with their official stances on the issues, as expressed in their party manifesto, website and other campaign material, including reports in the media.

All major parties were also asked to position themselves and provide excerpts from their party manifesto or other formal documentation. All parties except for the AfD responded to this request.

These self-placements of parties were subsequently compared with an expert coding. Discrepancies were communicated to parties over several rounds until there was full clarity and authorisation of their final issue positions.

The spatial map is constructed on the basis of the aggregate positions of the parties on the two dimensions the left-right dimension and the libertarian-authoritarian dimension. The precise party position is located in the centre of the ellipses. The ellipses represent the standard deviations of the party answers to all statements used to construct each axis.

Thus, parties in favour of both left- and right-wing policy proposals have a wider ellipse on the left-right axis; parties in favour of both libertarian and authoritarian policy proposals have a lengthier ellipse on the libertarian-libertarian axis.

More specifically, the broadness of an ellipsis refers to the spread on the left and right dimension whereas the height is the result of variation on the post material axis. Hier geht’s zu den Strategiedebatten Deutschland November Ziel ist die Entwicklung von politischen Handlungsempfehlungen und Szenarien aus der Perspektive der sozialen Demokratie.

Strategy Debates of political parties in Germany November Parties and their potential voters in the parliamentary election Explanation The German political system, internationally revered for its stability, was disrupted by the Bundestag election outcome. Analysis by political camp. FDP For the Liberals, the election was a special one. How were the graphs created? Strategy debates Germany November Wir freuen uns, wenn Sie mit uns in den Austausch treten.